Sheinbaum’s Rough Patch in Mexico
Mexico’s first female president, 63-year-old Claudia Sheinbaum, is going through a challenging time. Last week, the United States requested the extradition of Rubén Rocha Moya, the governor of Sinaloa (on leave) and of nine other officials for alleged ties to organized crime.
The Mexican government responded by stating that there was no evidence to justify Mr. Rocha’s arrest and insisted on defending its national sovereignty. However, some interpret the government’s stance as a defense of the governor. Mr. Rocha is a member of Morena, the ruling party, and this fact raises doubts about corruption within the state and its ties to organized crime.
This comes at a time when the eyes of the world are on Mexico and, in particular, on the persistent problem of criminal violence.
In the past, we have analyzed the 4T government’s stance on organized crime, from former President López Obrador’s policy of abrazos no balazos (hugs, not bullets) to the capture of “El Mencho.” Here are some key ideas that shed light on the Mexican government’s ambiguous policy toward organized crime.
1. Bad timing (for the Government): Mexico in the Global Spotlight
The allegations come at a time when the nation is under global scrutiny. The World Cup will draw even more attention to the country. This major event will kick off on June 11 at the Azteca Stadium in Mexico City.
Following the outbreak of violence in Jalisco triggered by the death of “El Mencho,” there were concerns about whether it was appropriate to hold the four group stage matches scheduled to be played in Guadalajara.
As we anticipated in March, criticism of the country will focus on how it has handled criminal violence:
Our journalism is committed to protecting democratic values, reporting unbiased facts, verifying and contrasting, being independent.
In other words, #InvaluableJournalism
2. A Bullet to Morenas’ weak spot: The Continued Growth of Criminal Violence
Under the administrations of Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña Nieto, disappearances figures were already alarming, with nearly 17,000 cases in each six-year term. But during AMLO’s administration, they skyrocketed to some 50,000.
Figures on the rise in drug-related violence have recently been making headlines. On April 2, the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances (CED) submitted a formal recommendation to UN Secretary-General António Guterres, urging him to bring the situation of “enforced disappearances in Mexico” before the General Assembly.
The Committee clarified that it found no evidence of a federal policy to commit enforced disappearances. However, it noted that there is substantiated information regarding the direct participation, support, or acquiescence of public officials in these acts.
A couple of weeks ago, we wrote about the controversial official handling of the figures on missing persons:
Your contribution makes a difference. Support CONNECTAS’s investigative journalism
3. The key Underlying Issue: The Disturbing Drug Cartels-State Relationship
Ultimately, the question raised by the Rocha Moya case is to what extent organized crime has corrupted state institutions in Mexico. “Many campaigns were funded with organized crime resources. Once politicians are in power, they carry that debt,” Marlene León, director of Iniciativa Sinaloa (an organization that advocates for human rights and transparency) told us.
In 2025, when Ovidio Guzmán (“El Chapo’s” son) was extradited, his lawyer stated that Ms. Sheinbaum is the “public relations arm” of the Sinaloa Cartel. The ruler announced legal action against him.
We addressed narco-politics scandals in Mexico in this 2025 analysis:
Narcos Infiltrate Governments with Guns and Bribes
